Showing posts with label Lobbyists threaten. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lobbyists threaten. Show all posts

Thursday, December 17, 2009

Lobbyists Rule


Some enterprises signal what’s going on inside by hanging a red light outside. Mayor Jerry Sanders has revealed what’s going on inside his administration by setting up a group of committees to carry out his goals. Officially, the name is “Mayor’s Civic Leadership 2009–2012.” It should be named “San Diego Belongs to the Lobbyists.”

Verily, the Sanders committees are so loaded with registered lobbyists — mainly working for the real estate development industry — that there should no longer be any doubt about who runs the City.

There are 51 members of committees pushing community projects such as a new stadium for the Chargers. Of those, no fewer than 20 are registered lobbyists. (Some serve on more than one committee.) And those who aren’t registered lobbyists are long-term corporate-welfare mendicants. Most significantly, I don’t see even token representatives from community planning and environmental groups, or even labor. “In other cities, these committees are balanced; they put environmentalists on them, union people. I don’t see that in this town,” says activist Mel Shapiro.

Councilmember Donna Frye, political scientist Steve Erie, and former state legislator Jim Mills express the same sentiment: Sanders’s committees are almost wholly made up of downtown boosters who want to use taxpayer money to pay for splendiferous structures instead of repairing the rotting infrastructure or helping the needy. Redevelopment, which was intended for truly blighted areas, “has been totally subverted to corporate welfare,” says Erie, a professor at the University of California at San Diego. Other California cities use redevelopment funds for “affordable housing, undeveloped neighborhoods — for public purposes. As the City’s financial situation becomes ever more precarious, the grandiose plans of downtown boosters grow ever greater.”

And that’s what Mayor Sanders’s committees are all about: grandiose structures such as a football stadium and convention-center expansion that line the pockets of real estate developers and their lobbyists while stealing money that should be used on necessities.

Observe the mayor’s committees. One of them is devoted to studying a new civic center, which the mayor is pushing. There are 13 people on the committee. Nine are registered lobbyists.

Here are the lobbyists and their affiliations:

• Sherm Harmer, chairman of Urban Housing Partners, whose clients include downtown’s struggling Smart Corner and Navarra Property Management. Harmer is a longtime leader of the Downtown Residential Marketing and Builders Alliance.

• Shirley Horton, former state legislator who now heads the Downtown San Diego Partnership.

• Donna Jones, of the law firm Sheppard Mullin Richter & Hampton, whose lobbying clients include Black Mountain Ranch, Irvine Company, Lennar Communities, and McMillin Land Development.

• Craig Benedetto, of California Strategies, whose lobbying clients include the National Association of Industrial and Office Properties and BOMA San Diego, an outfit that provides information on office development and leasing.

• Paul Robinson, a lawyer whose firm does lobbying for Shea Homes and Shea Properties.

• Robert Lankford, of the development firm bearing his name and a member of the Downtown San Diego Partnership.

• Keith Jones, representing the San Diego Regional Chamber of Commerce and a principal of Ace Parking Management.

• Tom Sudberry, of Sudberry Properties, a big developer.

• Lani Lutar, a lobbyist for the San Diego County Taxpayers Association, which does not represent the average taxpayer but does flak work for well-heeled members who seek taxpayer money for real estate projects that ought to be financed with private capital.

And what of the four members on the civic center committee who are not registered lobbyists? Well, Mike LaBarre of Fehlman LaBarre is an architect (now planning a building at 11th and B) and Greg Mueller is a principal of the architecture firm Tucker Sadler. Lee Burdick is a lawyer with Higgs Fletcher & Mack and a commissioner of the Port of San Diego. Reid Carr is with an advertising company that works for such clients as Sempra Energy. His firm brags that visitors can watch Padres games from the company’s balcony.

It is no secret that the City of San Diego is on the financial brink. Does anyone think that the members of this committee, all with a stake in downtown development, will carefully weigh the City’s fiscal condition when deciding if a civic center is really necessary? Silly boy/girl.

The mayor’s finance committee crossed him up. It put out a draft study, as reported by Voice of San Diego, that actually told the truth: the City suffers from a structural deficit that can’t be patched up with onetime measures. Employment should be cut sharply, and taxes may have to go up. If such measures fail, San Diego should consider bankruptcy. Sanders angrily dismissed the report. But here’s the key: only one member of that committee was a registered lobbyist.

Other committees should be more obedient. For example, 5 of the 11 on the group looking into charter reform are registered lobbyists, including chairman John Davies, whose law firm represents numerous operations such as Kilroy Realty and the Building Industry Association of San Diego. And 9 of the 22 members of the committee looking into streamlining permit processing are lobbyists, including Marcela Escobar-Eck, the onetime director of the City’s Development Services Department. A non-lobbyist on that committee is Jim Waring, Sanders’s former real estate czar who left under a cloud.

Among other members of Sanders’s committees are the usual suspects: Ben Haddad, chairman, and Ruben Barrales, president, of the San Diego Regional Chamber of Commerce; attorney Lynn Schenk; port commissioner Steve Cushman; and chief executive of the San Diego Regional Economic Development Corporation Julie Meier Wright.

“It would be a good idea to broaden the membership of these action teams,” says Frye. She fears the result of these stacked committees will be more misrepresentations to voters. “We need to stop telling people that there will be free civic centers, free football stadiums. Nothing is free. Somebody will pay for it. If it comes from redevelopment money, it still comes from taxes.”

Says Mills, former president pro tem of the state senate, “The Redevelopment Agency owes a lot of money to the City of San Diego. The redevelopment money should be used for paying for the consequences of redevelopment. The infrastructure is in bad shape, but we keep building new buildings. We have cast-iron water mains over 100 years old.”

Frye and Shapiro keep demanding that redevelopment funds be paid back to the City. “I keep sending emails, asking when this will be on the agenda,” says Shapiro. “Council and the mayor won’t touch it. Councilmembers like redevelopment in their districts.”

Finally, Erie sees good omens. “This is the last gasp of the old guard desperately trying to hold on,” he says. He compares Sanders’s committees with the elite, Waspish Committee of 25, created in the 1950s in Los Angeles. It controlled hospitals, foundations, cultural institutions — almost everything. But the Committee of 25 lost its power. “Smart cities diversify the stakeholders, have labor, environmentalists, minorities at the table. They look to the 21st Century. But this San Diego crowd looks toward the 19th Century. It’s sad.”

Redevelopment funds are concentrated downtown, says Erie. “In other big cities, the money goes to the neighborhoods.” Erie’s upcoming book, due late next year or early in 2011 from Stanford University Press, is titled Paradise Plundered: Fiscal Crisis, Growth and Governance in San Diego.

Source:sandiegoreader.com/

Wednesday, December 9, 2009

Lobbyists threaten genuine reform

When Sen. Joe Lieberman announced last month on the TV program "Face the Nation" that the House-passed version of health care reform would be dead on arrival in the Senate, what he didn't say was that the predicted demise had been bought and paid for by the health care industry.

According to the watchdog group Common Cause, major health care interests have spent $1.4 million per day so far in 2009 lobbying Congress. Many of these influence peddlers are former government staff members and retired members of Congress.

The Center for Responsive Politics, which tracks money in politics, reports that health care lobbying exceeded $422 million during the first nine months of this year.

Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, the ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee, has pocketed almost $2 million from the health industry and another $1 million from the insurance industry over his career.

Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, has taken in even more than that amount from these lobby groups. Other Republican members of the Senate Finance Committee pulling in large donations from companies like Eli Lilly, Pifzer, Blue Cross & Blue Shield, and Merck & Co., include Sens. Pat Roberts of Kansas, Mike Enzi of Wyoming, and John Cornyn of Texas.

Judd Gregg of New Hampshire and Jon Kyl of Arizona are invested in pharmaceutical companies like Amgen, Merck & Co. and Pfizer. The list goes on.

A number of Democrats, too, will be looking out for the interests of pharmaceutical and medical insurance companies when the Senate version of the health care bill opens for debate.

Sen. Ben Nelson of Nebraska said in May that inclusion of a public option plan would be a "deal breaker." In that statement, he was echoing the interests of the health care industry. They don't want a public health plan as part of any reform package.

Nelson, a former CEO of a large insurance company, has received more than $2 million from insurance and drug companies in his three campaigns for federal office.

Arkansas Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, another member of the Senate Finance Committee, has been the recipient of more than $300,000 from the health industry since January.

Sen. Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia reported sizeable capital gains last year from the sale of his wife's shares in Athenahealth Inc., a business services company that helps medical providers with billing and clinical operations.

Sen. Tom Harkin of Iowa jointly owns with his wife shares of Amgen, Genentech Inc., and Johnson & Johnson.

Jackie Dodd, wife of Sen. Christopher Dodd of Connecticut, is a board member of several pharmaceutical companies, including Javelin Pharmaceuticals Inc., Cardiome Pharma Corp., and Pear Tree Pharmaceuticals. She netted more than a quarter of a million dollars in 2008 in these positions.

The wife of Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, whose state is home to a number of large insurance and pharmaceutical companies, also benefited from industry money. Hadassah Lieberman has pocketed thousands of dollars as a "senior counselor" for the lobbying firm of Hill & Knowlton while representing companies in the pharmaceutical and insurance sectors.

Susan Bayh, wife of Indiana Sen. Evan Bayh, has been paid millions of dollars for serving on the board of directors for Wellpoint, the parent company of Blue Cross Blue Shield.

It's a stretch to believe that these women would have these positions if they didn't have spousal connections to important senators.

The public disclosure of which U.S. senators receive the largest corporate donations is why backers of health care reform are worried. And they should be. Lawmakers who are benefiting from large campaign contributions from the health industry are not going to turn and bite the hand that has been feeding them. If real health care reform dies in the Senate, we won't need to look very far to find the legislators who killed it — and we'll know why they did it.

Jim Coogan of Sandwich is a retired teacher. His column runs every other Tuesday. Reach him at P.O. Box 1181, East Dennis, MA, 02641, or e-mail him at coogan206@gis.net.

Source:capecodonline.com/